Francis [Frank] William Webb Hamilton Ellis "cartoon" from The splendour of steam of Coptic: a Webb compound Please note this page will be greatly enhanced once KPJ completes reading Chacksfield's F.W. Webb: in the right place at the right time and has sorted out Webb's presentations to the Civils and Mechanicals. In the interim KPJ will gladly provide guidance to sources: he would also like to gather together a complete list of Webb's patents. Papers

Webb was born at Tixall Rectory (illustrated by Dunn) near Stafford on 21 May 1836 and died in Bournemouth on 4 June 1906 (Marshall). Webb, and commentaries about Webb, are extremely difficult to discuss. On the one hand there is a very considerable literature which denigrates Webb's work on compounding: on the other there is a considerable amount of evidence to show that he occupied a key position in Victorian engineering. Some extremely talented locomotive engineers, notably Aspinall, Ivatt and Gresley, were trained at Crewe under Webb. It is a plausible hypothesis to suggest that Gresley's attraction towards three-cylinder designs may owe something to Webb's three-cylinder compounds.

Chacksfield has written an excellent biography: F.W. Webb: in the right place at the right time which fully corrects the many assertins that Webb profited personally from his patenting activity. He does this by making direct reference to correspondence between the Chairman, Sir Richard Moon, and Webb which clearly establishes the limits of Webb's other sources of income: pupils and patenting. One of the most difficult sections of Chacksfield's researches to reconcile is that Frank Webb's grandfather, Henry Webb, did not marry his grandmother (Elizabeth Heath) who gave birth to ten children. As Henry's descendents tended to become pillars of the Church, one is tempted to wonder if a marriage had taken place outwith the Established Church (Quaker/Catholic?). Furthermore, the Webb family was well-established in the major county town of Stafford and were bankers. In 1810 Henry Webb was appointed a high sheriff. This is introduced because Chacksfield makes it abundantly clear that the LNWR employed gentlemen, and there is nothing to suggest that Frank Webb was not a gentleman..

Nock, whose work can often be faulted for its waywardness, neatly encapsulated Webb, however: "The work of Francis W. Webb during the 32 years he was Chief Mechanical Engineer will be discussed as long as there are railways." On the other hand one can question his objectivity: "Compound days on the North Western began in 1878 in a small and apparently innocuous way". The last three words are loaded: at the time the evaluation of compounding was a very sensible way of exploring great efficiency, and may have still been sensible far later in locomotive history. It is worth noting (KPJ) that Webb combined experience in the drawing office, in works management and in materials and that he was highly inventive. A litany of great engineers were his pupils, notably Aspinall, Ivatt and Gresley. Furthermore, Ahrons (Chapter 18: Compound locomotives, 1882-89) observed that "This, the first "compound era" is one of the most interesting in British locomotive history". Mallet had shown his first compound locomotive at the Paris Exhibition of 1878 and presented a paper to the Instn of Mech. Engrs. in 1879 to which Webb contributed in the discussion

Hamilton Ellis, and more recently lesser qualified individuals, notably Vaughan, and the absurd Williams, have enjoyed themselves writing rather tritely about Webb. Rutherford in Backtrack has made several attempts to restore Frank Webb's reputation firstly by discussing compounding Backtrack Vol. 9 page 582 where he observed that most Webb locomotives were not compounds. Those who would question Rutherford's use of "Frank" should note that J.M. Dunn (Rly Mag., 1961, 107, 756) uses this same familiar form. W. Noel Davies, one of Webb's last pupils, goes one better and called him "Frankie".

Cantlie, K. discussion on (page 96) Riemsdijk, J.T. van. The compound locomotive. Part 2, 1901-1921. Trans Newcomen Soc., 1970, 44, 73-98.
Cantlie indicated how nearly F.W. Webb had succeeded with his compounds on the L. & N.W.R. — a fact that was seldom conceded. It was also forgotten that in the mid-nineteenth century mechanical engineers had set up certain limits, or taboos, which were afterwards proved wrong. Among these was an accepted view that if the boiler centre was more than 7 ft. 6 in. (later 8 ft. 0 in.) above rail level, a locomotive would be top-heavy and unstable. Another such agreed limit, or shibboleth) was that coupling rods should never be longer than 7 ft. 6 in. A third such limit, which was longer-lived than the others, was that the diameter of steam pipes should be 10 per cent. of the diameter of the cylinders (This continued until it was fina1Iy broken by Chapclon). The effect of these shibboleths was on passenger locomotives with large driving-whee1s, to limit the boiler diameter, and the second limit restricted the grate area if coupled wheels were used. The third restriction caused a permanent pressure drop between boiler and cylinders.

The simple 0-6-0 classes (Coal engines and "Cauliflowers") were built in very considerable numbers and were highly standardized. Webb was a man of vision who envisaged the electrification of the LNWR mainline. It has to be remembered that for a long time Webb was forced to work within the rigid financial constraints which were set by Sir Richard Moon.. There was bound to be friction between Webb and the other chief officers of the company as he enjoyed a much higher level of remuneration than most of them. Rutherford is able to show that many of the compound locomotives were much better than the picture painted by Cox and many others: the Teutonics were "very good indeed". The performance of the Alfred the Greats was "as good as anything operating on any other British railway." Essery is equally strong in his case on behalf of Webb. Subsequently, Rutherford produced two Railway Reflections in Backtrack Volume 16 on page 635 and 695 which sought to restore Webb's reputation where he was especially critical of Hamilton Ellis's and Vaughan's ill-founded embroidery of the facts, especially those relating to the chain brake, income from patent royalties, and once again compounding. These articles show Webb's early involvement with electricity, and its application to signalling, and its potential for traction.

Perhaps the most damning evidence against Webb's compounds came from van Riemsdijk's Compound locomotives: an International survey. (1994) which noted that he had excluded the Webb three-cylinder compounds from his Newcomen Society papers because the "designs were unsatisfactory" and "had no influence on the subsequent development of the compound locomotive except probably to make it unattractive in Britain". This is extremely sharp comment from someone who is regarded as an authority. Nevertheless, van Riemsdijk was "forced" to include the Webb compounds in his book which thus required new material.

Rutherford received considerable support from Reed, whose history of the LNWR is widely recognized as being authorative, who having noted the introduction of the simple coal tanks and cauliflower classes stated: "These developments gave the LNWR an expanding stud of capable and economical six-coupled engines, allowing many older locomotives to be replaced or rebuilt. The new classes thus contributed directly to improved freight train preformance through their greater capacity and this in itself played a part in reducing costs. Reed also noted how the improvements introduced at Crewe had led to economy in construction and maintenance. The locomotive cost per train mile was generally lower in the 1880s than in the 1860s. Reed is less sympathetic about Webb's efforts in compounding and is trenchent on his final decline and forced retirement.

The largely ignored books by Griffiths also give a very different slant to Webb's genius, and it is especially important to note his observation that Webb did not inflate his salary with his income from his patents as the LNWR had free access to the devices described therein. Like many other CMEs Webb may sometimes have used his ingenuity to get round items devised elsewhere, but notes that Webb did accredit Joy's invention. Furthermore, now that a fairly comprehensive list of Ramsbottom's patents is available it is possible that the LNWR demanded a high level of patenting activity. Griffiths notes that Webb's sense of humour lasted until very late his career (1901), even if it was somewhat black in nature: "a live [electrical] rail would make the yard an exciting place for shunters to work at night". Griffiths' introductory observations make a fitting conclusion: "Unfortunately, much of the comment, since his death has been based on myth rather than fact. Ill-informed writings have given a distorted impression of the man and his works..."

Thus, although Webb is sometimes derided for his locomotive policies, both he and the LNWR had abandoned the 0-6-0 type some twenty years before certain much respected railways that built it widely had even come into existence! [Talbot Illustrated history noting the displacement of the 0-6-0 by the 0-8-0 and 4-6-0 types at the end of the nineteenth century]

Webb's papers

Working of railways. Proc. Instn Civ. Engrs, 1875, 41, 44-6.
Work of Precursor class
Standard engine shed of the London and North Western Railway Company. Proc. Instn Civ. Engrs, 1885, 80, 258-9 + plate at back of volume.
Description of steel permanent way, as used on the London and North-western Railway. Proc. Instn Civ. Engrs, 1885, 81, 299-301.
steel sleepers
On compounding locomotive engines. Proc. Instn Mech. Engrs, 1883, 34. 438
According to Ahrons Webb had two main objectives: fuel economy and the suppression of coupling rods. Thomas Crampton contributed to the discussion.
Permanent way. Proc. Instn Civ. Engrs, 1896/97, 130, 178.
Engineering Conference, 25th May 1897, Railways: design of deep fishplates and fishplate chairs, including experiments with lead fishplates.
Particulars of various parts of recent London and North Western locomotives. Proc. Instn Civ. Engrs, 1898, 133, 302-05. Addendum.
Compound locomotives. Proc. Instn Civ. Engrs, 1899, 138, 406-11. 
Both William Dean and Aspinall contributed to the discussion (406-11).
Locomotive firebox stays. Proc. Instn Civ. Engrs, 1902, 150, 87-113. Disc.: 114-46. (Paper 3346).
In a reply to the observations made upon his paper Webb on pp. 124-5 noted that copper stays on an 0-6-0 achieved 261,000 miles whilst copper zinc stays on a similar locomotive achieved 285,000 miles. Arsenic levels had to be limited. Webb noted that having been in charge of  3,000 boilers on the LNWR with 2.5 million stays "the position was not exactly a bed of roses". Ramsbottom observed the importance of keeping iron stays tight.
Copper locomotive boiler tubes. Proc. Instn Civ. Engrs, 1903/04, 401-13. (Paper 3423)
Cited earlier paper on locomotive fire-box stays. A metallurgical paper: the first tube failed when the engine had completed 34,067 miles, and the second tube of the same make at the end of 40,612 miles. Had worn thin from the inside. Mea culpa?: is this Paper one from the Civils?.

Contributions to others' Papers

Findlay, G. The working of railways. Min. Proc. Instn Civ. Engrs., 1874/75, 41, 1-18. (Paper 1419)
Lady of the Lake class; Big Bloomers; 5ft 6in four-coupled; 6ft 6in four-coupled; working of Clark brake.Webb (43-5) noted that locomotives should be worked hard.
Fox, C.D and Fox, F.  The Pennsylvania Railroad; with remarks on American railway construction and management. Min. Proc. Instn Civ. Engrs, 1875, 39, 62-88. Discussion: 89-123.
Participants in the discussion included F.W. Webb, T.W. Wordsell, M. Longridge, P. Williams, W. Stanley, W.B. Lewis, J. Fernie and E.A. Cowper.

Greig, David and Eyth, Max. Experiments referring to the use of iron and steel in high-pressure boilers. Proc. Instn Mech. Engrs., 1879, 268.
Clark Steam engine p. 658-9 notes that Mr. F. W. Webb, in discussion of the paper of Messrs. Greig and Eyth, stated that after having tried various proportions of rivets and pitches, he had arrived at a single-riveted double-welt joint for 7/16-inch boiler plates of steel, possessing 71.6 per cent of the breaking strength of the whole plate, made with ¾-inch rivets at 2 inches of pitch. The covering plates are 3/8-inch thick and 5¼ inches wide, making a lap of 2 5/8 inches on each plate, and a width of 1½ inches from the centre line of the rivets to the edges of the plates. He believed this distance, 1½ inches, to be the best, and previously to the adoption of the given proportions he had found that the holes went oval long before the joint ought to have been destroyed.

Fernie, J. Mild steel for the fireboxes of locomotive engines in the USA. Min. Proc. Instn Civ. Engrs., 1883, 72, 84-96. Disc.: 97-130;  Correspondence: 130-4.

Marie, George. On the consumption of fuel in compound locomotives. Proc. Instn Mech. Engrs., 1884, 35, 119-21.
According to Griffiths, Webb made a written contribution, but the spoken discussion turned towards criticism of Webb's compound locomotives from McDonnell, Ramsbottom and Aspinall.

Particulars of various parts of recent London and North Western locomotives in W.P. Marshall's Evolution of the locomotive engine. Min Proc. Instn civ. Engrs., 1897/98, 133, 241

Pole, William. Some notes on the early history of the railway gauge. Proc. Instn Mech. Engrs., 1875, 26, 66-76; Disc.: 76-91. + Plate 7
Could confirm what had been stated by Mr. Armstrong with regard to the gauge of the Wylam line, which was now being altered by the present proprietors, Mr. John Spencer and others, to 4 ft. 8½in., because of the difficulty of not being able to transfer the chaldron wagons from one gauge to the other. It would also be remembered that the first portion of what was now the Great Eastern Railway had been originally put down and opened as a 5ft. gauge, and a quantity of the rolling stock was worked on that gauge, and was altered afterwards to the 4ft. 8½in gauge. The Crewe and Chester line had been made originally 4ft. 9in. gauge, and he recollected the engine wheels used to be turned with thick flanges on purpose to work that line as a district by itself, until the gauge was subsequently altered to the 4ft. 8½in. With regard to the alteration made in the distance between the up and down roads, which had been referred to in the paper, on several portions of the Liverpool and Manchester line there was still the old 4ft. 8½in distance between the up and down roads; and on the Newcastle and Carlisle Railway he had noticed that the same was the case on a portion that he had recently been over. He was under the impression that the object was to have the means of working between the up and down lines on any emergency; and he had heard the same reason assigned also in other similar instances.
With respect to the difficulty of getting a sufficiently powerful engine on the 4ft. 8½in gauge, with sufficient extent of bearing surface between the axleboxes and horn plates, the most recent engines on the London and North Western Railway had bearing surfaces larger than any broad-gauge engines, and were working with unusually little wear; with journals of 9 in. length, there was as much as 112 to 120 sq. in. area of bearing surface between the axlebox and the horn plate on each side. This he considered a step in the right direction, causing a considerable reduction in the expenses of working the 4ft. 8½in. gauge ; some of the engines had been running from 43,000 to 44,000 miles up to the present time, and there had been no necessity yet to touch the axleboxes in any part. He had been enabled to obtain the extra length of bearing without at all interfering with the simplicity of the motion or requiring the use of .weigh-bars to get at the valve-spindles.

Webb's patents [partial listing only, but probably well over half if Reed was correct]

According to Reed Webb patented more than 75 inventions from 1864 to 1903. Dunn states eighty, although some were abandoned. Many did not get beyond the drawing board and experimental stage. In his last dozen years the schemes and patent claims were drafted initially in a small locked office off the drawing office by John Scragg, a stumpy, large-nosed untidily-moustached confidential draughtsman who lasted until around 1920. This office was known as the model room, for here full-size models of Stephenson, Allan and Joy motions were set on adjustable cast-iron columns sliding over ground-steel facings; in that room were investigated the theoretical events and merits of other valve motions, including over the years 1899-1903 the Marshall and Younghusband forms, and in Whale's time the Walschaerts gear. The infamous chain brake was invented by John Clark in 1862 according to Rowatt, T. Railway brakes.Trans Newcomen Soc.,1927, 8, 19-32 .

878: 28 March 1865: Manufacture of steel tyres for railway wheels.
3332 23 December 1865: Steel crossings for railways, and in the moulds for casting the same, all or part of which said improvements in moulds are applicable for casting other articles.
888 27 March 1867: Machinery and apparatus employed in the manufacture of iron and steel by the Bessemer process.
2924 18 October 1867: Manufacture of smiths' anvils.
3545 23 November 1868: Improvements in the cosnstruction of steam hammers and in apparatus employed therein
3403 25 November 1869: Improvements in locomotive and other steam-engines and boilers, parts of which are applicable to rivetted work and railway rolling stock in general.
cast steel frames
3747 27 December 1869 Mills for rolling and crushing metals and other materials
1669 9 June 1870 Ladles for molten metals.
2884 27 October 1871 Railway engines & breaks
Combined steam and hydraulic brakes: also includes method of feeding water into a boiler via clack boxes
2985 6 November 1871 Steam boiler injectors
3442 20 December 1871 Engines, boilers & carriages.
Axle-box design
3748 19 November 1873 Locomotive engines
Exhaust steam disposal
442 1874 Railway points and signals
494 1874 Railway points and signals
1135 1874 Steam boiler injectors
3916 1874 Railway points and signals
462 6 February 1875 Railway points and signals
206 19 January 1876 Railway points and signals
2532 6 June 1876 Interlocking railway points and signals
167 12 January 1877 Applying breaks; signalling drivers, etc
691  20 February 1878 Railway brake apparatus.
Automatic vacuum brake
692 20 February 1878 Boilers and wheels for locomotives.
includes method of joining the inner and outer fireboxes at the firehole, firebox stays, and fusible plugs.
693 20 February 1878 Railway brake apparatus; signalling on train
3289 21 August 1878 Slide valves and valve ports or for engines
1892 13 May 1879 with J.C. Park: Railway breaks [brakes]
3549 4 September 1879: Railways and point connections of same.
Year 1880 none
1128 16 March 1881 Compound locomotives
work simple at starting, separate driving wheels
5052 24 October 1882 Axle-boxes for radial axles.
4738 12 March 1884 Locomotive reversing hand-gear
16447 15 Dec 1886 Removable stuffing box for vacuum cylinder
1974 9 Feb 1888 Locomotive boiler (fig 8 and water bottom fireboxes)
16608 15 November 1888 Locomotives.
simple/compound
1263 electric train staff with A.M. Thompson applied 23 January 1889
962 single line junction arrangements with electric train staff with A.M. Thompson 1892
See Mike Christensen for application of Webb/Thompson system on Anglesey Central section of LNWR
4180 Locomotives 25 February 1893
self-acting anti-vacuum valves
13547 Applied 13 July 1894. Published 11 May 1895. Improvements in locomotive and other steam boilers
an improvement in the tube plates of locomotive and other steam boilers, and also to the method of fixing the ends of the tubes in the same, my object being to equalise the section of the metal in the tube plate between the tubes & enlarge the area of the plate in contact with the water ; also to fix the tubes in such a manner as to protect the ends on the outside of the plate' from being burnt away by the flame from the fire.
6208 26 March 1895 Gauge Glass Fittings
25496 Applied 13 November 1896. Published 7 August 1897. Improvements in or connected with railway rail joints.
improved combined joint chair & splice in halves, wherein three bolts of large size are employed for securing the parts without weakening the rail by drilling large holes through the web, substantially as described & shown in the drawings.
29239 6 November 1896
Valve gear for four-cylinder locomotive with piston valves (from Poultney British express locomotive development)
29240 applied 21 December 1896, granted 6 November 1897 double chimney arrangement
29638 applied 24 December 1896, published 11 September 1897. Improvements in steam generators with Arthur Moore Thompson
Flash type steam generator
12128 applied 17 May 1897, published 2 April 1898. with Arthur Moore Thompson. Improvements in apparatus for working railway points and signals by electric power.
18259 applied 5 August 1897, published 18 Decemeber 1897 with George Edwards and Arthur Moore Thompson. Improvements in and connected with apparatus for controlling the traffic on single lines of railway
5982 applied 11 March 1898, published 21 January 1899. Improvements in the arrangement of buffers for railway vehicles
6052 applied 20 March 1899, published 27 June 1900 with Arthur Moore Thompson. Improvements in apparatus for working railway points and signals.
12357 applied 18 June 1901, published 28 September 1901.  Improvements in the form of bricks used for building purposes
27090 applied 9 December 1902, published 18 June 1903 with A.M. Thompson Improvements in apparatus for working railway points and signals by electric power

Biography

According to the DNB, Francis William Webb, "civil engineer" was born at Tixall Rectory, Staffordshire, on 21 May 1836, was the second son of William Webb, Rector of Tixall. Showing at an early age a liking for mechanical pursuits, he became at fifteen a pupil of Francis Trevithick, then locomotive superintendent of the London and North Western Raiway. His apprenticeship at Crewe lasted from 1851 to 7. He became Chief Draughtsman from 1859, but in 1861 became Chief Assistant to Ramsbottom and Works Manager at Crewe. In 1866 he left Crewe to become Manager and a Partner in the Bolton Iron & Steel Co. Rutherford suggests that this move may have been engineered by the LNWR Management for him to gain experience in steelmaking as he was invited back into the chief post by the Board without any form of competition..

On 1 October 1871 Webb became Locomotive Superintendent of the LNWR at an initial salary of £2000 per annum in the fisrt year and £3000 in the second and subesequent years. The LNWR was the largest joint stock company in the world. Webb must have been a man of vast vision for in 1872 he sent Aspinall, his former pupil, off to the USA to establish what was going on there, and in doing so ensured that Aspinall rose to the zenith of the engineering profession in due course (Bulleid's Apinall era). According to Weaver and to Rutherford his compound locomotives were far better than has been stated by many commentators, notably Cox. His salary latterly had risen to (including payment for patents) £7,000 per annum. According to Weaver he was a pioneer in the use and manufacture of steel, in compounding, in telephony, and in the application of electricity within Crewe Works—Webb was also aware that electricity was a suitable form of traction for the LNWR.

Neele Railway reminiscences notes that "Mr. Webb, of Crewe, entered thoroughly into the scrimmage" when it came to the 1888 Anglo-Scottish races.

Webb was a prolific inventor and took out many patents for improvements in the design and construction of locomotives and other machinery, but his name is chiefly associated with the compound locomotive, the steel sleeper, the electric train-staff for working single-line railways, and the electrical working of points and signals.

He died on 6 June 1906 after he had retired* (briefly to Bournemouth). He had been a Vice President of the Institutions of both the Civils and the Mechanicals. He was an Alderman on the Crewe Town Council and had been Mayor twice. He was also an Alderman on Cheshire County Council. He never married.

*It should be noted that Webb's retirement was indeed a cause celebre: Reed comments that Webb's retirement, though long foreshadowed, brought a situation to which the LNWR Board had not forethought a constructive solution. Webb himself had not been able to guide matters in his last few years to give a smooth transition."  The Board in effect had to replace Webb by Whale before Webb had left office. Reed includes a portait of him in mayoral attire (page 139)..

Talbot's The LNWR recalled: collected writings and observations on the London & North Western Railway. 1987. Chap 3 entitled Francis William Webb is based on correspondence between W. Noel Davies (one of Webb's last pupils) and J.M. Dunn. Webb is called "Frankie", rather than the "Frank" adopted by Michael Rutherford. It also includes a strong refutation of Hamilton Ells.

Oxford Dictionary of National Biography Volume 57 (pp. 834-5) contains a biography of Webb by W.F. Spear, revised by Mike Chrimes.

Lake, Chas. S. Some C.M.E.s I have known. 1 — F.W. Webb. Rly Mag., 1942, 88, 159-64.
An important source as Author's father Henry handled Webb's patenting activity. It also shows how Webb moulded Lake's career in technical journalism. Charles Lake was well aware of the problems with Webb's compounds, but the personality of Webb in nurturing younger engineering talent comes over very well. Illustrated with LNWR Official photographs.

Assessments of compounding

In 1883, in a paper presented to the Institute of Mechanical Engineers, Webb said that he had two main objects in designing his first compound, the Experiment: firstly to obtain economy in fuel consumption, and secondly to do away with coupling rods whilst obtaining a greater weight for adhesion. There would be less grinding action in passing round curves and it would not even be necessary that one pair of driving wheels should be the same diameter as the other.

According to Rogers (Express steam) the effect of the ratio between the high pressure and low pressure cylinders of compound engines has been much exaggerated by several writers on the subject. Andre Chapelon, the great French locomotive engineer, told Rogers that the importance of cylinder ratios had been greatly overrated. In his book, La Locomotive à Vapeur of 1952, he produces, on p61, a table giving the cylinder ratios of twelve large modern compound locomotives (nine of them Pacifics) belonging to various French and German railways. These ratios vary between 1:2.55 and 1:2.1. It is interesting that these two extreme figures relate to Paris-Orleans Pacifies rebuilt by Chapelon himself. As Chapelon wrote: "In fact, the great importance which at one period was attached to the ratio between the volumes of the low pressure and high pressure cylinders was very far from being justified". Thus according to Rogers criticisms of Webb's compounds on this count can therefore be disregarded.

The 'Dreadnoughts' had a boiler with the best steaming qualities that Crewe had so far produced (Rogers). Some of their performances were noteworthy. Rous-Marten recorded a run with No. 643 Raven from Willesden to Rugby in 85 mm 20 sec (including one signal check) with a load of 180 tons, and then on over the 75+ miles from Rugby to Crewe in 78 min 56 sec, an average speed of 57.4mph. With No. 571 Achilles the 90 miles from Preston to Carlisle over Shap took 100 min 3 sec, the load behind the tender being 190 tons.

Reed noted that: a curious feature of Webb's quick rise to high position (he was only 35 years old when he became No 1 in the LNWR locomotive department) which has never been noticed in the numerous written accounts of the man and his work was the extent to which he was favoured by untoward events. The early death of William Williams led to Webb's appointment as chief draughtsman at the age of 22. Two-and-a-half years later the injudicious resignation of Hunt at the age of 45 led to Webb's being stepped-up to works manager. Finally, after he had been away from the LNWR for four years, the untimely death of Stubbs at the age of 33 and the concurrent decision of Ramsbottom to retire in a twelve-month brought something of a crisis for the future direction of the department. No one of sufficient status and experience being on hand, the possibility of getting Webb back appealed immediately to both Moon and Ramsbottom.

Webb is mentioned in Joy's Diaries concerning the application of Joy's valve gear: their initial meeting.

'Argus' revealed. E. Talbot.  Br. Rly J., 1987 (17) 344-5.
Argus was the pen-name of of Webb's critics (one letter from him is quoted in this article) which reveals that Argus was a LNWR shareholder, William H. Moss, who considered that tthe LNWR could have been operated more economicslly. Webb showed that he had a sharp sense of humour when he named Dreadnought 2-2-2-2 No. 2056 Argus in December 1885.

Manuscript source

Spink, J.F. Francis William Webb, Chief Mechanical Engineer, London & North Western Railway, 1871-1903: a survey of his life and work. FLA Thesis. London: Library Association, 1964. 142pp.
Ottley 12203: "An excellent bibliography"

See: C. H. Ellis, Twenty locomotive men (1958);
W. A. Tuplin, North Western Steam (1963);
Transport History, Vol. I, No.2;
Engineering, 10 Aug. 1883,
Nature of Webb's batchelor household from 1881 Census: Backtrack 14, 637.
Rutherford: Backtrack, 2002, 16, 695.

See also Webb locomotive designs

Dunn, J.M. F.W. Webb, Crewe. Rly Mag., 1961, 107, 756-62; 840-4.
"MR. TREVITHICK reported that Frank Webb, draughtsman in his office, is out of his apprenticeship and that he is an exceedingly respectable young man and his services are very valuable. Resolved, that it be a recommendation to the Executive Committee to retain Webb's services at £2 a week wage."
So reads a Minute dated November 11, 1856*, of the London & North Western Railway Northern Division Sub-Committee, and it appears to be the first step on the ladder of fame for Francis William Webb, second son of the Rev. William Webb, Rector of Tixall, Staffordshire, for upwards of half-a-century, and his wife, Maria Morgan—natives, respectively of Castle Church and Lichfield, both in the county of Stafford. The son was to become one of the most interesting and probably most misunderstood figures in railway history. He was born at the Rectory (which is about three-quarters of a mile from the north end of Shugborough Tunnel, on the up side of the former L.N.W.R. main line from Euston to the North) on May 21, 1836, and baptised on the following day.
The son was educated privately, and it is believed that the nearby Trent Valley Railway, then under construction, attracted him to railway work and eventually led to him becomIng a pupil of Francis Trevithick, Locomotive Superintendent of the Northern Division of the L.N.W.R., on August 11, 1851. On the completion of his articles in 1856, his master rewarded his diligence by having him appointed one of his assistants. His promotion was rapid, and on March 1, 1859, he became Chief Draughtsman. On September 1, 1861, he took up the post of Works Manager, but for some unknown reason (though possibly to widen his experience) he resigned on June 30, 1866, to take over the management of the Bolton Iron & Steel Company, which was owned, or partly owned, by John Hick. There he remained for five years, at the end of which period he seems to have re-entered the service of the L.N.W.R., on whose behalf he visited several railways in America before being appointed head of the Locomotive Department in succession to John Ramsbottom on October 1, 1871, the same year, it may be noted, in which his previous employer, Hick, became a director. The latter remained a director of the L.N.W.R. until his death in 1894.
Webb was elected a member of the Institution of Mechanical Engineers in 1862, and an Associate of the Institution of Civil Engineers in 1865, becoming a full member in 1872. During his pupilage, Webb taught classes at the Crewe Mechanics' Institute and while thus engaged noticed the quality of the work of one of the students, C. Dick, who had shortly before tramped to Crewe in search of employment. He afterwards looked after him to such good purpose that Dick eventually became Webb's Signalling Assistant for the whole of the line. One of Webb's first jobs in the drawing office was to work out, under Ramsbottom, details of the design of the "Lady of the Lake" or "Problem" class 2-2-2 engines, the first of which, No. 184, Problem, appeared in November, 1859.
There are no clear indications as to why Webb was singled out for such rapid promotion to the senior position in the Locomotive Department apart from his evidently having been most a hardworking painstaking and industrious pupil. He was of a reserved disposition and not a keen participant in social activities, added to which it is believed that for highly creditable personal reasons, which had nothing to do with his job, he deliberately adopted the character of the overbearing and haughty autocrat which he was generally considered to be. As a result he had few friends but a number of enemies. Anyway, Richard Moon had been Chairman of the L.N.W.R. for ten years (since 1861) when Webb was appointed Locomotive Superintendent, and as he was always the latter's staunch supporter through good and ill, it seems reasonable to suppose that Moon had more than a little to do with the appointment.
There was one very important thing that Webb and Moon had in common, and that was a keen desire for economy in all things. Moon kept the speed of trains down to 40 m.p.h. to save fuel and wear and tear of rolling stock and track, while Webb saved money in his department in every possible way. A well-known example of this was the black livery for his engines which he is reported to have suggested while he was Chief Draughtsman but was not adopted until 1873, after he had become chief. Then there were his engine tenders which were probably the lightest and least costly of any in the country. One of the less spectacular economies was the individual cast-iron letters and numerals of different sizes which he produced in quantities at Crewe for station nameboards and seats, noticeboards, signalboxes, and so on. The letters were screwed on as desired to spell different words.
On his appointment as Locomotive Superintendent, Webb seems to have made up his mind to do his utmost to justify his selection by doing all that he possibly could for his employers, quite apart from his main job of building, repairing and running locomotives. He therefore endeavoured to make the L.N.W.R. self-supporting in respect of manufactured articles, and under his auspices the following side lines were conducted at Crewe Works :—-all signal work on termination of the L.N.W.R. agreement with Saxby & Farmer in 1873; lighting of railway premises all over the system; coal and water supplies; outdoor machinery for all departments; wash-house for cleaning sponge-cloths; soap factory using grease recovered at wash-house; manufacture of artificial limbs for disabled staff; gas works to supply the town of Crewe; rail mill to supply needs of the permanent way; Webb's patent steel sleepers (from 1880) ; metal-work for the Carriage Department at Wolverton and the Wagon Department at Earlestown; leather works; brick works; and carriage foot-warmers.
Apart from these activities Webb even started to compete with private locomotive building firms by manufacturing in Crewe Works between 1871 and 1874 a large number of engines for the Lancashire & Yorkshire Railway. As a result of this, the private firms obtained an injunction in March, 1876, restraining the L.N.W.R. from building locomotives and rolling stock for either sale or hire!
Webb was no mere figure-head, and took a personal interest in the work of the drawing office to an extent that none of his successors -ever did. Neither the Chief Draughtsman nor the Senior Locomotive Draughtsman had their own way by any means. Webb would walk round and look at the work the different draughtsmen would have on their boards and criticise freely, even to the point of downright disagreement. He was very definite as to what he wanted, and equally determined to see that he got it, generally brushing to one side any mildly-offered suggestions from his subordinates. He took an equal interest in the shops and personally supervised the different foremen. His assistants generally had an arduous time.
Webb first used steel for locomotive boilers in 1872, and in 1873 he sent a Crewe-built steel boller to the International Exhibition at Vienna. Steel has been used at Crewe for boilers ever since. In 1881 he suggested the use of flat rubber blocks between the carriage-bodies and the solebars to minimise vibration. He had electric light and telephones installed in his private office in 1879, about thirteen years before the general offices were so equipped.
Strangely enough one of Webb's greatest achievements was in the realms of civil engineering, when the stone viaduct at Llandulas, on the Chester ∓ Holyhead Railway, was washed-away by flood on August 17, 1879. He had 52 32-ft. steel girders, and the steel of which they were composed, manufactured and turned out of Crewe Works in the course of seven days, which enabled the Civil Engineer to have the new viaduct ready for use in 28 days after the mishap.
The L.N.W.R. was the patron of the living of St. Paul's Church, Crewe, and it was perhaps more than a coincidence that Webb's brother, the Rev. A. H. Webb, was instituted to the incumbency in 1879. It is recorded that after the appointment of the new vicar the church, which hitherto had been badly attended, was filled! Another brother, Colonel Walter G. Webb, was born too soon-before colonels were so highly-prized on the railway as they have been since the grouping--otherwise he, too, might have found a post on the L.N.W.R.
In 1880 the first of the "18-in." goods engines, or "Cauliflowers," No. 2365, was turned out of Crewe Works, and it was also the first locomotive to be fitted with Joy's motion which, according to his son, B.C. Joy, was most probably introduced to Webb in the form of a flat cardboard model. One can almost picture the great man playing with this "childish toy" which soon impressed him to such an extent that he adopted it for nearly all his future work. It is believed in some quarters that for many ye'ars after this Webb frequently consulted David Joy.
Through Webb's influence the railway company did much for Crewe, and in the year 1887, in which he was Mayor, and which was also the Jubilee Year of both Queen Victoria and the town, the directors presented the corporation with 30 acres of land for Queens Park (opened July 4, 1887) and £10,000 into the bargain for laying it out. It was little wonder that Webb was re-elected Mayor in 1888, and that Richard Moon got a baronetcy! Again, at Webb's instance, the directors gave a site for Crewe Cottage Hospital (opened August 7, 1895) and in 1903 he made a personal gift of £5,000 to its endowment fund.
Webb was a great inventor and had no less than 80 patents (only two of which were unconnected with railway work), but some of them were abandoned. During his regime at Crewe he maintained a private drawing office in which his confidential draughtsman worked on his schemes as and when required. The latter and the Chief Draughtsman were the only ones apart from Webb who possessed a key and no one else was allowed inside. His patents may be summarised as follows :-tools and appliances, 8; rails, 3; locomotives, 29; points and signals, 18; brake apparatus, 7; foot-warmers, 1; carriage door locks, 3; carriage lavatories, 1; dust shields for axleboxes, 1; electrical apparatus, 4; and miscellaneous 5.
Among the more interesting ones are rolls for re-rolling worn rails to lighter sections (No. 343 of 1864), and a combined rail-chair and fishplate (No. 25496 of 1896). The horizontally-divided smokebox with double blast-pipe and chimney fitted to the four-cylinder compound Black Prince and the "Jumbo" Hampden, was a patent (No. 29240 of 1896), as also was the arrangement whereby the four valves of the four-cylinder compounds were worked by two sets of valve-gear (No. 29239 of 1896).
A unique idea was that of reversing the cones of the centre wheels of engines having three or more pairs of wheels to reduce the strain on axles, wear and tear of rails and haulage power required (No. 3442 of 1871). This must have amounted almost to an outside or double flange! Then there was the famous Clark & Webb chain brake. This was actually the invention of John Clark in 1862, but in 1870, after the L.N.W.R. had obtained a licence to use it, Webb modified the brake-rigging to allow the use of two brake-blocks per wheel—one back and one front—to give increased brake power.
Probably the most extraordinary of all Webb's patents was that for what was in effect a sliding smokebox tubeplate (No. 7556 of 1893). This was intended to prevent the tubes moving in the tubeplate and thus leaking as they expanded and contracted. The tubeplate moved with the tubes, the former being supplied with a jointing-ring "of any suitable material or form for making a steam and watertight joint so that no steam or water may leak out of the boiler at that part."
Webb's name is chiefly associated with compound locomotives, of which he was a staunch advocate. First of all he favoured three-cylinder compounds, with two high- and one low-pressure cylinders, and then four-cylinder compounds, with two high- and low-pressure cylinders. The. writer has a friend with a good memory, backed by well-kept note-books, who rode on and behind three-cylinder compounds at the turn of the century. This gentleman assures him that, although there undoubtedly were starting difficulties, these have been greatly exaggerated by modern writers. The much-cherished story that these engines had to be started with pinch-bars had very little foundation in fact.
The late E. L. Ahrons, who was by no means "pro-L.N.W.R.," specifically stated on page 247 of  "The British Steam Railway Locomotive from 1825 to 1925 " that on a few occasions the high- and low-pressure driving wheels of those engines fitted with slip-eccentrics to the low-pressure valve gear revolved in opposite directions when startmg. There is no doubt at all that if this had been anything like a common occurrence he would have said so.
These engines were temperamental and a good deal depended on the personal element. If the high- and low-pressure motions got "out of-step" a keen driver would deliberately try to make the engine slip and this generally succeeded in restoring synchronism. Provided the high- and low-pressure motions were in harmony, a Webb three-cylinder compound would start and accelerate a train of equal tonnage far more rapidly than would a contemporary simple engine.
The three-cylinder compounds became the subject of strong criticism, and on the introduction of the "Dreadnought" class one of the correspondents in Engineering, who concealed his identity under the nom-de-plume of "Argus," and who was, in fact, the representative in India of the American firm of locomotive builders then known as Burnham, Parry, Williams & Company, though it has not been possible to ascertain his name, wrote a series of letters which has been described as one of the most remarkable ever published in any journal. Webb knew who he was, but did not take part in the correspondence, in which several others joined.
The letters from "Argus" appeared in issues of Engineering between September 11, 1885, and January 22, 1886. They averaged 3,000 words each. "Argus" was particularly emphatic in his views, even to the point of being offensive. Some of his comments are worth recalling:—"Another of Mr. Webb's little delusions"; "I have yet to learn that Mr. Webb has any prescriptive right to immunity from adverse criticism "; "The 12.10 p.m. Euston to Liverpool, starting from rest up a bank of 1 in 113, displayed what a Yankee would call a circus!" "I have no quarrel with Mr. Webb, but in the interests of the L.N.W.R. shareholders a full enquiry into Mr. Webb's policy is not only desirable but imperative"; "Dreadnought is a monstrosity."
There were editorial footnotes printed at the ends of some of these letters, and one in the issue for January 1, 1886, read —"It may interest our correspondent to know that Mr. Webb has named one of his latest compounds Argus." This was No. 2056, which was turned out from Crewe Works in December, 1885, and was Webb's only reply. As has been said before, Webb made enemies who delighted in any chance to belittle and disparage his achievments. Another locomotive chief on another line, the appearance of whose engines captured the public imagination although they did not in fact live up to their looks completely, was a charming personality as a result of which blind eyes were turned on the shortcomings of his products.
Engines on Webb's three-cylinder compound system were constructed for the following railways:— Western of France; Paulista; Antofagasta; Oudh & Rohilkund; Austrian State; San Paulo; Western of Buenos Ayres; and Pennsylvania. The last named was built by Beyer, Peacock & Company to drawings supplied by Webb, but the tender was the makers' own design. The engine was placed in traffic in February, 1889, and withdrawn in January, 1897. In 1893 Webb sent his 2-2-2-2 three-cylinder compound engine Queen Empress, accompanied by two 42-ft. passenger coaches, to the World's Columbia Exposition at Chicago, where they received the highest award and ran as a "British Special Train" from Chicago to New York.
So far as the four-cylinder compounds were concerned, Rous Marten, who accompanied the members of the Institution of Civil Engineers on their well-known trip from Euston to Crewe on June 8, 1899, has related how the four-cylinder compound No. 1903, Iron Duke, took a load of 339 tons straight out of the terminus and up the 1 in 70 of Camden bank without any assistance, much to the interest of many of the passengers who looked backwards out of the windows to see if any banking was going on.
Bowen Cooke, then Assistant Running Superintendent of the L.N.W.R., who had the job of keeping them at work, said explicitly when writing in 1901-2 that "There are at present 40 four-cylinder compound engines at work on the L.N.W.R., everyone of which is double-manned, is in steam six days of every week, and has a minimum of 316 miles cut-out for its daily work. These compound engines are daily, without assistance, taking loads of 300 tons and running at an average speed of 52 m.p.h."  This is a statement which must be accepted and treated with the greatest respect.
The ratios of the high- and low-pressure cylinders were incorrect, and to overcome this No. 1952, Benbow, was fitted, in 1903, with four separate sets of valve-gear, so that the high- and low-pressure cut-offs could be varied independently of each other. The driver, who had this engine to himself, had been heard to declare that the improvement brought about was remarkable, and that on trains such as the 11.50 p.m. Scottish Express from Euston, the difference between Webb's Benbow and Whale's Precursor was so slight as not to be worth notice. Shortly after this by an odd coincidence—or perhaps something else—Benbow had its boiler-pressure reduced from 200 to 175 lb. per sq. in., thus making a wide gap between the performance of the two engines. It is worthy of note that, although George Whale was given the credit for the improvement to the valve-gear on Benbow, the idea had been formulated by Webb, and the drawings completed before he retired in May, 1903. The official date of Whale's succession was July 1, following.
That Webb successively adopted the Clark & Webb chain brake, the simple vacuum, and finally the automatic vacuum brake as standard on the L.N.W.R. is well-known. For these obviously costly changes Webb has often been blamed, but it seeems more than likely that Richard Moon, the Chairman and Webb's ally, discouraged what he considered unnecessary expenditure on new-fangled devices until he was forced by circumstances to adopt them and was thus equally responsible.
Part 2
A FEW briefly-related incidents in Webb's life give some idea of his character. The representative of a certain firm of brake manufacturers, having called on him and impressed him to such an extent that he agreed to recommend to the directors that the brake should be given a trial, so far forgot himself as to tell Webb that there would be a commission of {20,OOO for him if the London & N orth Western Railway adopted the apparatus. Webb flew into a violent rage and had the man and his brake unceremoniously shown the door. That was the end of that brake's chances on the L.N.W.R. !
Just in case it might be thought that Webb was scrupulous in large things and not in small, on one occasion when he needed some repairs to the conservatory heating system at his house, Chester Place, Crewe, the property of the railway company and for which he paid rent, he instructed the man who came from the works to make sure that all time and material spent on the job was to be charged to him personally and not to the company.
For mariy years before he retired Webb kept a country seat, Stanway Manor, about 5½ miles south-east of Church Stretton, and was in the habit of going there at weekends. This journey involved changing at Shrewsbury. In those days there was a ramp in the middle of the platform, giving access to a level-crossing to the opposite platform. One Saturday there was a small crowd waiting for an approaching engine to pass, before making use of the crossing when up marched Webb, who raised his umbrella, at which the engine (was it a Great Western one?) obediently stopped. The driver motioned the people waiting to cross the line, much to the astonishment of those who did not know who Webb was.
When changing trains at Shrewsbury, Webb was escorted by an elderly porter who carried his bag and saw that he was generally comfortable, usually getting a 2s. tip for his pains. On one occasion he had gone to some extra trouble and received 2s. 6d., Webb asking him at the same time, obviously as a leg-pull, if he knew that he was breaking the rules in accepting tips from passengers? The porter is said to have replied "Oh yes, Sir. I knew it was forbidden to accept tips from passengers but I didn't know it applied to fellow-servants of the railway company. Good morning, Sir!" He then shut the door and walked off before Webb had time to say anything. The pair continued to meet at weekends for a very long time afterwards, so there was evidently no sort of resentment felt. This story is believed to be true, but unlike the others cannot be authenticated.
Another incident which throws a light on Webb's disposition is the case of the Shrewsbury driver who considered he had been unjustly suspended as the result of an enquiry into a derailment in which he was involved. Meeting Webb on the platform one day, he asked if he might speak to him, and getting a reply in the affirmative told his tale. Webb listened attentively and then told the driver to make out a written statement of all he had just said, and give it to the Locomotive Foreman at the shed with the request that it be forwarded to him, Webb, at Crewe marked "Personal." This was done, and the driver was reprieved and paid for the period of his suspension from duty. Further, the locomotive department's representative, who was quite a "big-wig" himself, was "carpeted" by Webb, who told him to take more care of the department and the and men in it at any future enquiry he might be concerned in.
Once when a night-shift was being worked in the millwrights' shop at Crewe, two of the men thought there was a chance to cut one another's hair, so just after midnight they rigged-up a canvas screen and got to work. All was gomg well and the job nearly completed when a deep, gruff voice sounded over the sacking—"I knew we had many shops on the ground but never before that there was a barber's shop among them!" Then the owner of the voice, who was none other than F.W. Webb, stalked off down the shop and out of it without another word. Both barber and customer were scared out of their wits and fully expected to be discharged the next day, but no one heard another word about the incident.
An example of Webb's insistence on discipline is revealed by the outcome of Edith having taken over from Jeanie Deans. One day the famous three cylinder compound No. 1304, Jeanie Deans, with Driver John Button of Camden, took an assistant engine, No. 1427, Edith, with Driver Sam Wood of Crewe, from Crewe to Euston. However, at Nuneaton Jeanie failed to start and was taken off the train. No other engine was handy, so Wood said that he and Edith could manage alone, but he was told to stop at Rugby where another engine would be available and in readiness. They got away from Nuneaton alright and, as things were going well with all signals "off" at Rugby, Wood decided not to stop and he went right through, arriving at Euston on time. The surprising sequel to this was that Webb suspended Wood for two weeks for having disobeyed instructions to stop at Rugby for assistance, thomgh it was generally thought that the real reason was that Wood had shown that a Ramsbottom 2-2-2 could do the work of a Webb 2-2-2-0 !
Nevertheless, the writer, as a running (now motive power) department man, feels that Webb's attitude—though perhaps not the severity of the punishment—was justified by an unnecessary risk having been taken in view of the seven miles of 1 in 370 from Rugby to the south end of Kilsby Tunnel and the other seven miles of 1 in 333 from. Sears Crossing to Tring, both against the engine. It would not have been unreasonable to expect a "single" with a heavy train to lose time or even stick on such gradients and, if the engine had failed in either of these localities, far greater upset to mainline traffic would have been caused than by the four or five minutes delay (which might have been regained) due to taking pre-arranged assistance at Rugby.
Ben Robinson, of Hardwicke fame, had a similar experience, as within ten days or so of having been invited to take wine with Webb on the occasion of one of his outstanding runs, he was given one day's suspension for getting a hot-axle on his engine. This was undoubtedly intended by Webb to show that he administered strict justice and was no respecter of persons!
Mr. G. L. Darbyshire, who became one of the chief officers of the L.M.S.R., used to relate that when he was a boy in the booking-office at Crewe he was one day put "on the gate," and asked Webb for, his ticket. The latter complained to the Stationmaster and said "This boy does not know who I am. Sack him! "
Rosling Bennett recorded that he found Webb "somewhat sharp of speech and a bit dictatorial" when he was canvassing the locomotive superintendents of the various railways for locomotives and other rolling-stock exhibits for the Edinburgh International Exhibition of 1890, and that Webb alone of all the people he interviewed said he would send an engine, and other equipment, without the formality of making the promise subject to the approval of his directors! This was how the 7-ft. compound engine No. 1304 came to be named Jeanie Deans, after the heroine in Scott's "Heart of Midlothian." It was a very good engine and worked the 2 p.m. Anglo-Scottish express from Euston to Crewe regularly for 8½ years, during which period its cost for maintenance was estimated at only 1.34 pence per mile.
Webb, who was an able business man, reigned as undisputed King of Crewe during the time Sir Richard Moon was Chairman (until 1891) and Sir George Findlay was General Manager (until 1893). Moon's policy, as has been stated before, was economy in all things. However, just at the period when Moon was succeeded by Lord Stalbridge and Findlay by Frederick Harrison, traffic was beginning to increase and it became necessary to "ginger-up" things all round in order to keep up with rivals, even at the expense of the long-cherished economy.
Accordingly a Passenger Traffic Committee was set up with Alfred Fletcher, one of the directors, in the chair to see what could be done to meet the changing conditions. With Harrison as General Manager and "the new broom sweeping clean," things began to move and not unnaturally one of the first matters that came under notice was the capability of the locomotive stock. Criticism in this direction was somewhat severe, the more so perhaps because Webb's salary as Chief Mechanical Engineer (as he had by that time been redesignated) was higher than Harrison's as General Manager. Of course, Webb did not take this lying down. Although his chief supporter, Moon, had gone, he still had plenty of influential friends, including Lord Stalbridge, who was Chairman until 1911, and rightly or wrongly was able to keep Harrison more or less at arm's length. Webb had been heard to say that "no d----d, jumped-up ex-clerk was going to show him his business!" Webb stuck to his guns and would not allow anyone (with the possible exception of Lord Stalbridge, a personal friend of long standing) to visit Crewe Works without permission being first sought and obtained. Consequently Harrison never got inside while Webb was in charge, but within a fortnight of Whale having taken over the reins he came on a tour of inspection!
As an example of what went on: the Passenger Traffic Committee told Webb that the 1 a.m. train from Carlisle to Euston had, during 26 consecutive trips, lost an average of 13 min. per trip due to locomotive causes and requested his explanation. This train was due at Crewe at.3.46 a.m., the booked average speed bemg 51.05 m.p.h., with Shap Summit, more than 900 ft. above sea-level to get over on the way. Webb looked closely mto the matter and replied that the average figures per trip taken from the engmemen's tickets and the guards' statements were as follow:

Out of all this delay, the locomotive regained on an average 5 min. per trip, or more than the time it had lost!
Another method of attack was the issue by the General Manager of an instruction (Circular No. 3050 of October 16, 1901) to the effect that the maximum number of vehicles for one engine was to be l7—eight-wheeled bogie vehicles counting as 1½ and 12-wheeled as two. If the number of vehicles exceeded 17 as thus calculated, an extra engine was to be attached. Webb commented on this that it would lead to an unnecessary increase of expenditure and added that the six four-cylinder engines stationed at Rugby had practically kept time for 16 months. Assistance these engines would now have to take would increase locomotive costs by about £2,500 a year.
Around this time (Webb being about 65 years of age) a notice was issued from the General Manager's office to the effect that all members of the staff of the L.N.W.R. would be retired on attaining the age of 65 years, and many considered that this was intended as a broad hint to Webb, who, however, ignored it. Webb's health was beginning to trouble him and causing him to have varying spells of sick-leave (his last illness commenced about May 19, 1903) and advantage was taken even of this. On January 24, 1902, at least two different printed notices were issued from Webb's office, "Locomotive Department, Crewe," in his absence over the name of George Whale,** although the former had not retired. This, no doubt, was done deliberately to try and goad him still further, and notices issued the following day were signed "F.W. 'Webb" as usual.
At last Webb retired, in 1903, and went to live at the Red Lodge, Parsonage Road, Bournemouth. He did not survive long to enjoy his retirement (it may be wondered whether such an intensely active man would have enjoyed it) and died at Bournemouth on June 6, 1906; he was buried in the main Bournemouth Cemetery at Cemetery Junction, where the grave is well-maintained by the Corporation. He left an estate of £211,543, of which the following sums were bequeathed: for charitable purposes in Crewe, £87,000; churches in Crewe, £9,000; charitable purposes elsewhere, £9,000; and Webb scholarships, £4,000. Today there is a Frank Webb Avenue in Crewe (the friendly, diminutive "Frank" seems significant), and in 1910 the second of the L.N.W.R. "Queen Mary" class 4-4-0 engines (works number 4981), No. 268, was named F. W. Webb.
Whatever may be said about Webb's peculiarities it is refreshing, in these days when railways are run by committees and not by individuals, to read of a man who had enough faith in himself and influence with his employers to carry out his life's work as he thought it should be performed and also enough courage to take the responsibility for his actions. He was certainly an autocrat, but a good specimen of the breed, with a kind heart under a gruff exterior.
In conclusion the writer wishes to record his thanks to Messrs. W. Noel Davies, F.B. Roberts, G. Royde Smith, D.T. Vaisey, H.F. Tucker, the Rev. P.D. Vaughan and many others too numerous to mention individually but without whose help this record could not have been compiled.

*In The Railway Magazine for February, 1900, Webb is reported as having said "I completed my pupilage in August, 1857, on the very day that Mr, Trevithick retired." The Locomotive Magazine for July, 1941, gives the date of this as August 1, 1857

Updated: 2009-04-17

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